Comments:ССЕ 212. *bɔq- is an old PY root meaning 'hand' (see *bɔq- 'mitten'). Werner 1, 142 <*boqǝt> - analyzing bɔ́ʁat as bɔq + aʔt 'bone'; completely impossible because of Kott. pagai (with Ket. -t : Kott. -j pointing only to PY *-ʒ).
Comments:ССЕ 213. Werner 1, 153. Cf. also the PY derivative *buloĺ ( ~ -r) 'stocking': Ket. buĺɔĺ6, Yug. bulɔl5,6, Arin (М., Сл., Кл.) proroŋ "stockings" (with assimilation < *piloroŋ); explained by Werner 1, 149 as *bul + *ʔoʔĺ 'hull'.
Proto-Yenisseian:*bVʔĺ
Meaning:thick
Ket:bɔʔĺ, pl. bɔĺeŋ5
Arin:berga(r), berik 'big, very'
Comments:ССЕ 213. Helimski (КС 248) suggests that the Arin word is borrowed from Selk. wǝrqɨ 'big', which is somewhat dubious. Werner (1, 140) acknowledges the reconstruction *bVʔĺ on the basis of the Ket form, but says: "wenn man aber dieses ket. Wort mit ar. birka, ber / berke 'groß' zusammenstellen könnte, wäre PJ <*boʔʎ / *bǝʔʎ> 'dick' möglich'.
Comments:ССЕ 213. Kottish reflects a compound: *cä + *xur(a) 'wet' (q.v.); velar *-x- in the original form explains the transition *c- > th- (regular if followed by a velar stop or affricate; otherwise h- would be expected). Werner 1, 164 reconstructs <*t'aʔǝŋǝ> and separates the Kottish form; however, its relation to *tiʔŋ 'frost' or *täχVr 'otter' is extremely dubious, and I still prefer the exact phonetic and semantic match between Yug and Kottish.
Comments:ССЕ 213-214. Werner 2, 304 makes an attempt to regard the word as a compound *cɨʔG- 'head' + iʔŋ 'skin' and reconstructs <*t'ǝŋǝ> (Kompositum). There is, however, a number of objections: 1) tonal characteristics of *cǝŋe are strongly against a compound of *cɨʔG+iʔŋ (two glottal stops must have had disappeared!); 2) *iʔŋ 'skin' is probably an unexisting form: Werner himself analyzes iʔŋ as "plural of ī 'skin'" (see 1, 373); 3) this ī 'skin' goes back to PY *ʔik (q.v.) (which Werner himself - 1, 392 - reconstructs as <*igǝ>. The "compound" etymology of *cǝŋe is thus completely untenable. Werner also doubts that Kott. heŋai belongs to this root - but in fact it is a completely regular reflex, see КС 151 (analogously cf. PY *cēse 'boot' > Kott. hēči, PY *cV(n)t- 'husband' > Kott. hat-).
Comments:ССЕ 214. Werner 1, 167 <*t'Vg->. Werner doubts the relationship of Kott. tagai 'head' (comparing it instead with Ket dáɣai 'Kopf mit zerzaustem Haar', see Werner 1, 178) - although it displays absolutely the same correspondence as *cīk 'snake' q.v. (Kott. tēg, tēx) and *cä-xur 'thin (of fluid)' (Kott. theūr).
Comments:ССЕ 214-215. Not quite clear is the relationship of Arin forms: bi-q́aŕat (М., Сл., Срсл., Кл.) "husband" (lit. "my husband", (Лоск.) kerät "old man", ikerät "мужик" - perhaps a metathesis of the suffixed formation *kVt-ar (see КС 151). Pumpokol has a compound with the same component ils- as in ils-em 'wife' (i.e. ils-et < *ils-xet). Let us note that the Pumpokol form xačet (Срсл.) "old" is in reality Yug. Werner 2, 260 <*t'et> - ignoring the Kottish form hat- - which in fact is completely regular, see КС 151; for the same development see *cǝŋe > heŋai 'hair', *cēse > hēči 'boot'.
Proto-Yenisseian:*čad-
Meaning:white moss, deer moss
Ket:táŕeŋ, North. tádeŋ / tádɨŋ 'white moss'
Yug:t́ādeŋ, pl. -en (Кастр.) 'white moss' (Werner 1, 243: čádɨŋ)
Comments:The Yug form is compared in ССЕ 215 with Ket tagdǝ́, pl. tagdeŋ5 'grass for slipsoles' (Werner 2, 231 tàgdɛ́). However, Werner (1, 243) provides other Ket forms that allow to correct the reconstruction to *čad- (Werner: *t'adǝŋ).
Comments:ССЕ 215. Werner (2, 436) doubts the attribution of the Pump. word, but the correspondence is quite regular (cf. *čem- 'goose' > Kott. šame, Pump. xam etc., see КС 157) and the comparison seems quite reliable.
Comments:ССЕ 215. Werner 2, 240 <*t'ap-qǝm> gives the meaning as 'birch bark vessel, mainly used for feeding dogs' and tries to explain the word as *čaʔp 'dogs' + an unclear second component. This seems rather a folk-etymological analysis. The word indeed appears to be a compound, but the second component is rather *piʔn (with assimilation > -pVm) 'scoop', so we only can reconstruct *čaq-pVm < *čaq-piʔn, not *čap-qVm. The same root is probably present in *qǝk-čaq 'spoon' (see *qǝk-).
Comments:ССЕ 215. Here also Ket. taŋgut5 'tow'. Werner 2, 237 <*t'aʔǝŋǝ>.
Proto-Yenisseian:*č-daq
Meaning:to pull out
Ket:t...daq
Yug:č...daχ
Comments:Werner 2, 224 (w.r.)
Proto-Yenisseian:*č-eʔŋ
Meaning:to jump up (from fear) [auffahren (vor Angst)]
Ket:-t-ɛŋ, -t-ɛ:ŋ
Yug:-č-ɛʔŋ
Comments:Werner 1, 236 (w.r.).
Proto-Yenisseian:*če(ʔ)ǯi
Meaning:fire-brand
Ket:bɔg-dit5 / bɔg-det5, pl. bɔg-ditn5, bɔg-dirǝŋ5
Yug:bɔg-d́ejt́5, pl. bɔg-d́ɛt́n5
Pumpokol:búčkete (Сл.) "(burning) coal"
Comments:ССЕ 216. All languages reflect a compound with *boʔk 'fire'. The Ket-Yug forms presuppose a protoform *ǯe(ʔ)ǯi; the Pumpokol one - a protoform *če(ʔ)či. We are probably dealing with different assimilations of the original form *če(ʔ)ǯi or *ǯe(ʔ)či; Werner's (1, 135) analysis as bɔʔk 'fire' + -d- 'genitive marker' (why -d́- in Yug?) + unknown component -ɛt seems hardly any better.
